2026년 5급 공채 행정 2차 영어

모빌리티의 인프라를 내장하고 있는 도시 공간은 사람과 사물의 이동과 연결을 가속화시키는 다양한 시스템들로 재구축된다. 즉, 도시는 단순한 장소적 공간에서 흐름의 공간으로, 그리고 유동의 공간으로 빠르게 바뀌고 있다. 도시 공간 자체는 지형과 위치로 구성된 물리적 장소로 고정되어 있지만, 그 공간 위로 무수한 사람과 사물의 교차적ㆍ순환적 이동이 이루어지면서 마치 물이 흐르는 것과 같은 효과가 생긴다. 모빌리티의 가속화와 유동화는 도시의 물리적 경계를 넘어 가상공간 혹은 범지구적 영역으로 이동의 범위를 넓히고 사회적 결속을 심화시킨다. 이를 구체적으로 구현하기 위해 도시재생이 도입되기도 한다. 도시재생이란, “인구 감소, 산업구조 변화, 도시의 무분별한 확장, 주거 환경 노후화 등으로 쇠퇴하는 도시를 지역 역량의 강화, 새로운 기능의 도입과 창출 및 지역 자원의 활용을 통해 경제적ㆍ사회적ㆍ물리적ㆍ환경적으로 활성화시키는 것”을 의미한다. 즉, “산업구조의 변화 및 신도시ㆍ신시가지 위주의 도시 확장으로 상대적으로 낙후되고 있는 기존 도시에 새로운 기능을 도입ㆍ창출함으로써 경제적ㆍ사회적ㆍ물리적으로 부흥시키는 것”이다.

Emergent properties^* are properties that are not evident in the individual components of a system, but show up when combining those components, so they might also be called surprises. Emergent properties abound in most systems, although there can always be a (fruitless) argument about whether or not careful enough prior analysis of the components might have allowed prediction of the surprise. It is wise to avoid this argument and instead focus on an unalterable fact of life: some things turn up only when a system is built.
Some examples of emergent properties are well known. The behavior of a committee or a jury often surprises outside observers. The group develops a way of thinking that could not have been predicted from knowledge about the individuals. When the Millennium Bridge for pedestrians over the River Thames in London opened, its designers had to close it after only a few days. They were surprised to discover that pedestrians synchronize their footsteps when the bridge sways, causing it to sway even more. Interconnection of several electric power companies to allow load sharing helps reduce the frequency of power failures, but when a failure finally occurs it may take down the entire interconnected structure. The political surprise is that the number of customers affected may be large enough to attract the unwanted attention of government regulators.
*emergent properties:창발적 속성

Repairing the damage the sorting machine inflicts requires more than increased funding for job training. It requires us to rethink the way we value different kinds of work. One way to begin is by dismantling the hierarchy of esteem that accords greater honor and prestige to students enrolled in name-brand colleges and universities than to those in community colleges or in technical and vocational training programs. Learning to become a plumber or electrician or dental hygienist should be respected as a valuable contribution to the common good, not regarded as a consolation prize for those who lack the SAT scores or financial means to make it to the Ivy League.
Higher education derives much of its prestige from its avowedly higher purpose: not only to equip students for the world of work but also to prepare them to be morally reflective human beings and effective democratic citizens, capable of deliberating about the common good. Having spent a career teaching moral and political philosophy, I certainly believe in the importance of moral and civic education. But why assume that four-year colleges and universities have, or should have, a monopoly on this mission? A more capacious notion of educating citizens for democracy would resist the sequestration of civic education in universities.
It should be acknowledged, first of all, that elite colleges and universities are not doing very well at this task. For the most part, they place relatively little curricular emphasis on moral and civic education, or on the kind of historical studies that prepare students to exercise informed practical judgment about public affairs. The growing prominence of supposedly value-neutral social science, together with the proliferation of narrow, highly specialized courses, has left little room for courses that expose students to big questions of moral and political philosophy and invite them to reflect critically on their moral and political convictions.
There are exceptions, of course. And many colleges and universities require students to take some course or other that deals with ethical or civic themes. But for the most part, our leading colleges and universities today are better at inculcating technocratic skills and orientations than the ability to reason and deliberate about fundamental moral and civic questions. This technocratic emphasis may have contributed to the failure of governing elites over the past two generations, and to the morally impoverished terms of public discourse.